Most Evacuated Afghans Were Not ‘Allies’

Many activists and lawmakers, from both parties, have been very critical of President Trump’s suspension of the U.S. Refugee Resettlement program and its repercussion for certain Afghan nationals who were hoping to come here. Rep. Scott Peters (D-Calif.) claimed the pause resulted in “abandoning our Afghan allies”, while Rep. Michael Mc Caul (R-Texas) urged Trump to make an exception and “admit Afghan allies” during this refugee freeze. Shawn VanDiver, president of AfghanEvac (an organization advocating for the admission of Afghans and a “pathway to permanent residency” for Afghan evacuees), criticized Trump for leaving “our Afghan allies” to die.

Trump’s suspension of the refugee resettlement program has since been blocked by a judge. As things unfold and we monitor future Afghan arrivals, it is important to clarify matters upfront. Indeed, there is a confusion as to which Afghan nationals we have been welcoming ever since U.S. troops left Afghanistan in the summer of 2021. There is also a lot of misconceptions as to who exactly we are supposedly “leaving behind.”

Who exactly are we welcoming and why? Are they “allies” (Afghans who helped the U.S. government there), or refugees (those who fear persecution from the Taliban), or migrants (those who simply want to come to the United States)?

These questions are important because, with every answer, comes a specific admission status: Afghan “allies” are eligible to Special Immigrant Visas (SIVs), “persecuted” Afghan can be admitted as refugees under the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program (USRAP), and Afghan migrants are “paroled” in. Both SIVs and refugees are authorized to live permanently in the United States (SIVs are granted green cards upon admission, refugees, one year later), while parolees are supposed to be here temporarily.

Contrary to sensational claims, most of the Afghans we have been (and might continue) welcoming are not our “allies” nor are they “refugees” in need of resettlement. Which means, we are not, generally, “saving the lives” of Afghans, nor are we “leaving them to die”. We are mainly opening the door (with a “parole” card) to those who wish to come here, whether to join family members/friends or just have a shot at a better life in the United States.

Over 200,000 Afghan newcomers were brought into the United States under the Biden-Harris administration following the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Afghanistan in 2021. They were, for the most part, granted parole.

Only 28,145 Afghans were admitted here as refugees through USRAP (from the beginning of FY 2022 through the first three months of FY 2025) and only 68,654 Afghans were granted SIVs (this includes principal applicants and eligible family members – spouses and children of any age, whether married or unmarried). Knowing that Afghan derivative applicants are usually at least four times that of principal applicants, only about 17,000 SIVs have been granted to principal applicants – i.e., actual Afghan “allies.”

More importantly, SIVs are numerically capped. As of January 1, 2025, close to11,000 SIV spots were available to principal applicants. Some even estimate that number to be less than 10,000. 

We can’t talk about the admission of Afghan nationals without addressing the problem of efficient vetting. Some claim that Afghans are rigorously vetted, but, as my colleague Andrew Arthur has explained, the screening and vetting process of Afghan evacuees is far from rigorous. We know of the absence of dependable screening measures for nationals from conflict zones, such as Afghans and Syrians, and of the impossible task of crosschecking backgrounds.

Furthermore, while vetting is essential, it only gives us a glimpse of the past and present; it doesn’t secure the future. Shared values and successful integration are the best shields against radicalization. A young Afghan (21 at the time) who was evacuated in 2021 was arrested less than two months into his stay in the United States for engaging in a prohibited sexual conduct with minor and possessing child pornography images. Most of the mitigating circumstances presented by the defense to get leniency at sentencing touched on his cultural difference: some sexual conduct that is deemed criminal in the United States is considered normal in Afghanistan. Even if he was indeed “rigorously screened” and all the documents pertaining to his judicial history in Afghanistan were available, he would still have been cleared to enter the United States. In this young man’s case, nothing was missed because there was probably nothing to find. His village in rural Afghanistan does not have a regularized criminal justice system; disputes there are resolved through inter-family mediation. It is a fact that newcomers do not necessarily leave their beliefs and biases behind.

“Allies”

“Allies” are those who worked as translators, interpreters, or other professionals employed by or on behalf of the U.S. government in Afghanistan who face a serious threat as a result of that employment. They have access to Special Immigrant Visas (SIVs) to come to the United States. Upon admission, SIV holders are granted Lawful Permanent Residence (LPR), also known as green cards. They receive the same benefits and federal services as refugees under the USRAP.

SIV spots are numerically limited. 

SIVs for Afghans. There are two SIV programs designed for certain Afghan nationals. 

The first is a permanent program authorizing SIVs for certain Afghan nationals who worked directly with U.S. Armed Forces or under Chief of Mission authority as translators or interpreters (the Translators program). The “Special Immigrant Visas (SIVs) for Afghan Translators/Interpreters” offers visas to up to 50 persons a year (the cap excludes family members such as spouses and children) and remains active.

The second is temporary. The Special Immigrant Visas program for Afghans who were employed by or on behalf of the U.S. government was capped at 1,500 principal applicants per year for FY 2009 through FY 2013. Any unused numbers could be carried forward from one fiscal year to the next. Congress kept adding to these numbers throughout the years. In March 2024, Congress, through the Further Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2024, increased the total number of visas available for issuance after December 19, 2014, to 50,500 (from 38,500) and extended both the employment termination date and application deadline to December 31, 2025.

The number of remaining SIVs for Afghan Principal Applicants as of September 30, 2024 was 13,607. This is taking into account the additional 12,000 Afghan SIV numbers allocated by Congress in March 2024. As of January 1, 2025, only around 11,000 SIV spots were left for principal applicants (this is taking into account the 10,213 SIVs granted to Afghan principal applicants and family members the first three months of FY 2025). 

Refugees

Refugees are those who are “unable or unwilling to return to their country of origin owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion.” Refugees are resettled into the United States through the USRAP and must apply for a green card one year after arrival. Refugees, like SIVs, have access to the Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) assistance and federal benefits.

Refugee spots fall under a ceiling and follow regional allocations set by the president every fiscal year. FY 2025 refugee ceiling was set at 125,000 by President Biden, with a regional allocation for Near East/South Asia fixed at 30,000-45,000. 

Priority 2 and Priority 1 Refugee Access to Afghans. In August, 2021, the Biden-Harris administration announced a Pre-defined Group Access P-2 (Priority 2- Group Referrals) to USRAP for certain Afghan nationals and their eligible family members. P-2 is available to Afghans who are not SIVs or SIV applicants but work/ed for a project in Afghanistan supported by a U.S. government grant or cooperative agreement or to those who work/ed for a U.S.-based media or NGO as a freelancer.

Afghan individuals who are not our “Afghan Allies” but are eligible for the Pre-defined Group Access Priority 2 Resettlement Program are detailed as such:

• Afghans who do not meet the minimum time-in-service for an SIV but who work/worked as employees of contractors, locally employed staff, interpreters or translators for the U.S. government, including United States Forces Afghanistan (USFOR-A), International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), or Resolute Support.
• Afghans who work/worked for a U.S. government-funded program or project in Afghanistan supported through a U.S. government grant or cooperative agreement.
• Afghans who are or were employed in Afghanistan by a U.S.-based media organization or NGO. U.S.-based media organizations may also refer Afghan nationals who worked for them under stringer, freelance, and comparable arrangements.

Afghans who are still in Afghanistan can be referred to the P-2 program. Case processing cannot begin unless relocation takes place to an eligible processing country. Processing is not possible in Afghanistan (nor in Iran, North Korea, Syria, or Yemen).

Afghans who work/worked for sub-contractors and sub-grantees do not qualify for the P-2 designation but can qualify for P-1 referrals (see below). That said, exceptionally, the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration (PRM) can accept P-2 referrals “for third-party contractors, particularly from U.S.-based media organizations, and for staff of U.S. NGO wholly- or majority-owned subsidiaries in Afghanistan.” 

Priority 1 (P-1) referrals for people of any nationality are made to USRAP by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), a U.S. embassy, a senior U.S. government official granted referral authority, or an NGO. The Department of State under the Biden-Harris administration designated certain NGOs that assist refugees to make P-1 referrals through the Equitable Resettlement Access Consortium (ERAC) led by HIAS, RefugePoint, and the International Refugee Assistance Project (IRAP). HIAS and IRAP joined with other advocates to sue President Trump for suspending USRAP.

There are millions of Afghans who did not assist U.S. forces, but who could nonetheless end up wanting to leave their country as refugees, fearful of a Taliban rule. How many should the United States welcome? Thousands, millions? 

Migrants/Parolees

Migrants are those who are not SIV or refugee status holders but are granted “parole” to be able to enter or stay in the United States.

The parole provision in the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) gives the Secretary of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) discretionary authority to “parole into the United States temporarily under such conditions as he may prescribe only on a case-by-case basis for urgent humanitarian reasons or significant public benefit any alien applying for admission to the United States.” Parolees can stay in the United States for the duration of the grant of parole (typically one year, two for Afghans as requested by former DHS Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas). They can also apply for re-parole.

Contrary to SIVs and refugees, parolees are not provided with a pathway to citizenship and are expected to leave when their period of parole expires. Parolees can apply for work authorization but are not eligible for ORR’s assistance. This changed under the Biden-Harris administration for Afghan parolees who were provided with employment authorization incident to parole. Afghan parolees were also made eligible for the same resettlement assistance, entitlement programs, and other federal benefits as refugees and SIVs. The Biden-Harris administration extended the benefits and beneficiaries of ORR to include non-refugees on U.S. soil; Afghan parolees were added to ORR’s list of beneficiaries 

Afghan parolees have access to other ORR benefits. ORR funds the Immigration Legal Services for Afghan Arrivals (ILSAA) project, which provides free legal services to Afghans in the United States. ILSAA supports “pathways to permanent residence, such as obtaining asylum and Special Immigrant Visa status, and also supports family reunification, and other immigration options.” 

There is no numerical limit to parolees.

Most Who Came and Want to Come Are Not “Allies”

Despite the ongoing narrative, most of the Afghans who were evacuated during “Operation Allies Welcome” (July-August 2021) following the withdrawal of U.S. troops were not “allies” who risked their lives to help U.S. forces in Afghanistan. In fact, amid the chaos and the urgency, most had nothing to do with the U.S. government or any of its contractors; which means they were not SIV holders or applicants. Nor were the evacuees formally granted refugee status; hence, the use of parole as the entry ticket to the United States. 

Of the 79,000 Afghan evacuees, 72,550 were paroled into the United States. Eighteen months into their stay, fewer than 5,000 were approved for asylum or SIV status.

Re-parole was made available to Afghan parolees in 2023. Which means that, in 2025, many who have not applied to adjust their status (to asylum, SIV, green card etc.) will need to be re-paroled to be able to stay here. 

But efforts to admit Afghans did not stop with the 2021 evacuation process. The Biden-Harris administration renamed “Operation Allies Welcome” as “Enduring Welcome” to bring certain family members who remained abroad. Moreover, Afghan parolees were able to sponsor more Afghans to follow them here under parole. The Biden-Harris administration launched the “Sponsor Circle Program for Afghans” to encourage U.S.-based supporters (including parolees and others newcomers with “temporary authorization” to remain in the United States), to sponsor other Afghans (who were then allowed in under parole). And, in early 2023, the same administration introduced a “Family Reunification for Afghans” program that allowed Afghan parolees to sponsor their family members to come to the United States as refugees (i.e. as potential future American citizens). 

As we wait for the outcome of the ongoing court battles on all these programs, we also wonder about the fate of the thousands of Afghan parolees when their parole or re-parole ends soon (in 2025 for many of them). Will they be asked to leave the country? And if they don’t, will they be deported?